Argentina: Two years of the new Government

(En español)

In this paper we assess the government achievements after two years in power.  We will focus our analysis on three crucial aspects: environment, macroeconomic management, and institutional aspects.

As a general conclusion, we can anticipate that the environment continues to deteriorate, the economy shows a modest recovery accompanied by serious risks and we observe worrying developments in the institutional field. The main points are highlighted below.

 

Environment

Argentina suffers from periodic floods mostly associated with the (non-rotating) planting of soybeans and other grains, accelerated deforestation, mining development not subject to appropriate controls and fast urban development without adequate planning. These problems have worsened in the past two years. First, incentives have been provided for planting of soybean and other grains through the reduction in export-taxes. Second, mining is also favored by the elimination of export taxes and less emphasis on regulations and controls. Third, some incentives to alternative crops, such as vegetables, have been eliminated.  For example, the Government abolished the provision, by the National Institute for Agricultural Technology (INTA), of free advisory services to producers who are not Argentine citizens. This measure affects 20,000 farming families, the majority of Bolivian origin; they provide the majority of vegetables consumed in Buenos Aires.

 The national government shares with provinces and municipalities responsibilities in the implementation of environmental regulations. There is no evidence of joint efforts. There are human and economic losses for lack of measures to: (a) control soybean and grain production (through crop rotation and other measures); (b) stop or at least slow deforestation; (c) implement mining regulations more decidedly; (d) implement better urban planning in order to avoid the destruction of public spaces and to add green areas in the cities. In the city of Buenos Aires, for example, large parcels of land were recently privatized. The companies that acquired the land will build tall towers thereby adding pressure in a city that already shows the problems so common to mega-cities. These kinds of problems tend to repeat themselves in the area of the delta, province of Buenos Aires and other cities in the country. 

Regulations and controls of mining activities are weak. Serious incidents are reported and they are prominent in the news for a little while but there is no evidence of actual efforts to solve them.  For example, a million liters of water contaminated with cyanide was spilled in two rivers of San Juan province. Official responses to environmental problems are sometimes disconcerting: in the International Conference on Environment, the Minister of Environment, announced that the Government plans to modify the laws protecting glaciers and forest areas since they set unrealistic objectives. It is said that the projected changes in the law will face resistance even among pro-Government legislators.

 The costs of environmental degradation are enormous. Avoiding them would be good business.  For example, the Ministry of Agriculture estimated that one million hectares of crops were lost, mostly of soybean during the current crop-year. Other estimates raise the number of hectares. The amounts of estimated losses would exceed 1,500 million dollars. 

Environmental problems in Argentina are also connected to corruption in sales/uses of state lands and deforestation; to the denial of rights to native peoples enshrined in the Constitution; to the approvals of buildings and urban projects without respecting existing rules. The lack of attention to environmental issues has a long history in Argentina.  However, the influence of powerful interests that militate against environmental protection seems more evident at present. The former CEO of Monsanto is the Minister of Agriculture in the province of Buenos Aires, the former President of the powerful Rural Society is the national Minister of agriculture, the former manager of Shell is the Minister of Energy. These professional backgrounds do not disqualify the above mentioned ministers for the positions they hold, however, it would be naive to think that they do not condition their actions while in government. The institutions they come from are inherently opposed to the protection of the environment. On the other hand, it must be recognized that the government has undertaken some positive initiatives on renewable energy.

Some measures against the over-expansion of soybeans had been tried in the past. During the Government of Cristina Kirchner, when Martin Lusteau was the Minister of Economics, an attempt was made to approve a new law making export taxes on soybeans progressively linked to international prices. The draft law was not entirely consistent with other measures implemented in the agricultural sector particularly the existence of disincentives to the production of wheat, meat and other alternative activities. The draft law was not sufficiently discussed within the society; its objectives were not clearly stated. The bill faced a strong opposition: highways were blocked all over the country threatening the normal supply of goods.  The draft law was not adopted. The previous Governor of the Province of Buenos Aires and others introduced more realistic value-assessments of rural lands. The new assessments increased land taxes which, in turn, tend to discourage land-intensive farming. It must be said that the energy policy of the previous Government did not favor environmental protection.


Macroeconomic management

True to its philosophy, the Government has pursued generally coherent macroeconomic objectives: liberalization of foreign exchange and capital markets, reduction of export taxes, increase of public utility tariffs, opening-up of the economy, debt payments to the so-called “vulture-funds” and reduction of pension benefits. The Government implemented the liberalization of foreign exchange and capital markets in a sudden.  After an aggressive start, it was forced to moderate some increases in public utility rates. That was the case of electricity tariffs which nevertheless experienced substantial increases. The Government has been gradually liberalizing foreign trade. But far from reducing the budgetary deficit, it increased it. The deficit has been financed largely with international loans. To reduce the inflation rate, the Central Bank implements a very active policy. It sells treasury bills at high interest rates in order to capture money in circulation. Therefore, the Government is contracting large amounts of debt domestically and internationally. As a result, the situation is worsening and very risky.

The Government program relies on economic growth based primarily on extensive agriculture, mining and the financial sector. In this context, a de-industrialization seems inevitable. If economic growth takes place and inflation slows down, the poverty rate could decrease.  However, because of the reduction in social benefits, particularly pension and retirement benefits, the poverty rate among the elderly might increase. Some specific points are developed below.

 

  • As projected in 2016, a modest  GDP growth of about 2.5% is anticipated for 2017, recovering the loss of last year. In 2015 the GDP had also grown 2.5%. Inflation dropped from over 40 % in 2016 to about 22-24% in 2017, returning to the levels inherited from the previous Government but in a context of increased flexibility of prices, exchange rates and public tariffs. The economic growth is based on a major expansion of the agricultural sector, a strong performance of the construction sector, some expansion of the financial sector and real estate activities. The industrial sector continues to fall. The services sector grew perhaps with the exception of electricity, gas and water. As a percentage of GDP, private consumption has expanded but not gross capital formation.

 

  • The balance of payments deteriorated during the 2017. Imports are growing very fast. That is not the case of exports (despite decreases in taxes for the main exports). The services account, which includes trips abroad, is also deteriorating rapidly. As a result, the current account deficit is reaching very high levels that alarmed even economists that support the government.  An increase in imports associated with rapid growth in investments could be justified for some time. However, capital formation does not seem to show significant increases.

 

  • The fiscal deficit remains very high. Temporary revenues from the Tax Amnesty have not improved the fiscal accounts. The total non-financial public sector deficit rose from 4.74% of the GDP in 2015 to 6.49% in 2016. Based on partial information for 2017, it is likely that the public sector deficit will increase somewhat as a proportion of GDP. The rise in the deficit is largely explained by the growing interests that the public sector must pay. The so-called primary deficit has grown more moderately.

 

  • Debt contracted overseas has been growing rapidly. This debt has financed the public sector deficit, the increase in Central Bank reserves; capital transfers abroad and, in general, the current-account balance of payments deficit. Travel and shopping tours are financed largely with new loans. The total Public debt increased from $240 billion in 2015 to 293 billion in the second half of 2017. Public Debt accounts for about 53% of GDP; 70% of it was contracted in dollars. Interest paid by the public sector represented around 1% of GDP before the current Government took power; now it accounts for 1.8% of GDP or US $10 billion, a value similar to the total budget of the province of Santa Fe.

 

  • The Government has paid high interest rates to contract new debt. In several cases, interest rates exceeded 8% per year. That rate does not include lawyer fees, commissions and other expenses in this type of transactions. Some provinces also finance part of their budget deficit with international loans. For example, the governments of Buenos Aires, Salta, Jujuy and others contracted international loans. Jujuy got a loan for US $210 million this year at 8-9% and 5 years. These conditions can create a very difficult budgetary situation in Jujuy since the debt must be paid in a period relatively short and Jujuy is a small and poor province. Only good projects have a rate of return higher than 9 % per year.

 

  •  The Central Bank has maintained a policy of high interest rates (in pesos) as a means of slowing down inflation. Since credits to the public sector have continued to expand, in part to finance the budget deficit, the Central Bank captures pesos from the market paying high interest rates. It does so by issuing Government bonds, called LEBACs. The stock of LEBACs exceeds 1,000 billion pesos, an amount larger than the monetary base.  LEBACs pay annual rates of almost 30% (rates were even higher when the inflation rate was higher than presently). Maturities are concentrated in the coming month. The appreciation of the peso which results from this monetary policy strongly favors financial speculation.  If a foreign investor (or a local one that has saved in dollars) buys LEBACs, he/she can obtain a profit of about 20 % on annual basis in dollars.  This situation is sustainable so long as domestic and international lenders are willing to provide financing. It cannot go forever.
  • Since the level of indebtedness is still relatively low, the country may continue borrowing for a while. If for any reason the markets change their minds, the risks are formidable. What would happen if the market decides not to buy LEBACs anymore?  Exchange rates would soar, inflation would shoot up and, the country would face a financial crisis.  The nervousness experienced in the weeks prior to the primary elections (called PASO) illustrated to a small degree what might happen, something that Argentina is familiar with. Before the PASO, the Central Bank temporarily lost reserves for nearly US$2 billion (almost 5 % of the stock of reserves).  There is another important side-effect of the current anti-inflationary policy: the continued appreciation of the peso reduces the competitiveness of exports and creates incentives to imports. Records current account balance of payments deficits are precisely the result of such development.

 

  • The poverty index declined slightly. It fell from 30.3% of the population in urban centers in 2016 to 28.6% in 2017.  Thus, there has been a reduction of 1.7 percentage points.  Extreme poverty (“Indigencia”) rose slightly from 6.1% to 6.2%. In a previous note we have noted that the poverty line was considered high by an Argentinean Sociologist. He estimated that Chile, which reports a low poverty rate of about 8% of the population, would have a poverty rate of 27% if the same poverty line as Argentina were adopted. Anyway, a slight fall in poverty as reported is consistent with the economic rebound observed in 2017. But we should note that the information provided by the National Statistics Office (INDEC) includes some data that need to be examined. Estimates for the province of San Juan show that the poverty rate declined from 43.5% in 2016 to 26.4% in 2017. The poverty rate for 2016 looks excessive. INDEC is revising these estimates for San Juan. Data for the province of Cordoba also seem to demand a review. They showed a decline in the poverty rate from 40.5% in 2016 to 30.7% in 2017. Adding San Juan and Córdoba, they account for half the declined in the poverty rate during 2017, something difficult to believe. It also called our attention the increase in the poverty rate for the city of Buenos Aires, from 9.5 % in 2016 to 13.4% in 2017, almost 4 percentage points more in the richest city of the country, more than 120 thousands new poor.

 

Institutional aspects

 

Several measures can be observed with concern: the use of Tax Amnesties which became a regular feature in Argentina, the maintenance of obsolete legal and regulatory mechanisms for tenders, the widespread practices of ‘direct purchases’ by the public sector (that is with no public tenders); the  declaration of “emergency” in the operations of several government areas helps spreading this practice. The Judiciary seems to be acting according to the wishes of the Executive Branch.  The fight against corruption does not seem to focus on improving standards and procedures but rather on periodic scandals surrounding members of the previous Government. Several events points to the re-introduction of authoritarian practices not devoid of ethno–classist content. Finally, we took note of some attacks on opposition journalists.

 

The approval of periodic Tax Amnesty is highly negative for the legal stability and tax culture of the country. Reversing their positions when it was part of the opposition, the current Government promoted the adoption of a law on Tax Amnesty. The project initially sent by the Executive to the Congress even allowed public officials and their families to benefit from the Amnesty. The law finally approved excluded them although did allow Government suppliers and contractors to benefit from the Amnesty.  A presidential decree amended the law to allow relatives of the Government officials to benefit from the Tax Amnesty. It was subsequently discovered that families of the President (brother and cousin) and other officials did benefit with the Tax Amnesty by several millions of dollars. This increases social cynicism and encourages future tax evasions.

 

A press release by the International Monetary Fund states that the bidding procedures have improved. The IMF does not substantiate such statement. So far, we have found no evidence in this regard. Laws and regulations of bidding processes are in many cases obsolete and were not substantially updated. There is a prevailing “cartelization” of public works which have not been addressed except by requiring more online publicity of tenders and their awards. The requirement probably already existed in practice and, although important, its impact to make tenders more efficient should not be overestimated. Several ministerial areas of government were declared in emergency. In those cases purchases are not subjected to regular procedures and rules. Security, for example, operates under emergency since the Government assumed power.  The Province of Buenos Aires also declared emergency on security. We have no information to conclude that the declarations of emergency have resulted in higher prices paid for goods and services purchased in the relevant sector. As illustrative information: of the forthcoming government purchases, only 20 per cent will be tendered publicly.

 

The independence of the Judiciary is seriously compromised. Hugo Alconada Mon of the newspaper La Nacion believes that the Judiciary “is designed to ensure the impunity of power, not to investigate it”. According to Alconada Mon, such a situation already existed during the previous Government and continues under the new one. Several examples illustrate this situation. Since early in its administration, the Government launched a strong campaign against the Attorney General Gil Carbo for her displacement. The office of Attorney enjoys stability similar to Judges. However, the President even spoke of replacing her by Decree.  Gil Carbo eventually negotiated her resignation after being subjected to unbearable pressures. The Government has unleashed a public campaign against some judges who are not regarded as advancing government positions. Morales Sola, commentator of the newspaper La Nación and philosophically close to the Government, made it clear: “from the moment it took over, the Macri Government wants to dismiss several federal judges”. Then, Morales Sola name them:  Freiler, Oyarbide, Daniel Rafecas, Carnicoba Corral and the Attorney Gil Carbo.  The reasons for disliking these Judges are several, however, in some cases the content of their judicial decisions is openly cited for their possible impeachment. For example, the judge Rafecas was publicly criticized by Macri for dismissing Nisman charges against Cristina Kirchner, Timmerman and others. Refecas decision was ratified by two higher Courts of Appeals.  Nisman charges were dismissed because the Pact with Iran, established by an act of Congress, never materialized (Iran has not ratified it and it was declared unconstitutional in Argentina). The agreement with Iran is an issue on which different points of views can be held of course. However, as a foreign policy measure it cannot be criminalized. Judge Bonadio reopened the case for “treason against the Fatherland” and was supported by the party in government. The former President and several members of the previous Government were prosecuted, some of them arrested. It seems clear that judge Bonadio ideological inclinations guide his judicial decisions. The President also attacked the “labor-dispute trial mafia” undermining the right of workers to initiate legal actions in defense of their rights. It is quite possible that there are abuses in the initiation of legal actions that can be reduced by carefully designed reforms. But the position of the President seems to go beyond that.

 

The Courts are very expeditious in acquitting members of the Government when they are charged. A few days into his presidency, a Court dropped the case against Macri for illegally wiretapping members of the Jewish Association (AMIA). Prosecutor Nisman had pressed charges against Macri and others. A court also dropped the case against the President in relations to the Panama Papers. A case against Vice President Gabriela Michetti was also dismissed. It referred to the “money bags” stolen from her home which were not fully justified. Her maid had stated that money bags passed by her home on regular basis. Gustavo Arribas, director of the Federal Agency of Investigation was accused for allegedly receiving bribes from Oldebrecht in 2013. His case was dismissed. Gomez Centurión, Director of Customs, was charged in two cases of corruption, one of them made by the Security Minister Patricia Bullrich. He was separated from his post but reinstated after his initial dismissal. There are other cases. It is possible that these decisions, at least some of them, have legal merits. However, the expeditious and repetitive manner in which they take place when the defendants are members of the Government appears to be suspicious. In addition, the Financial Information Unit was moved from the Ministry of Justice to the Ministry of finance where members of the government find more leniencies in cases such as the Panama Papers involving government officials.

 

There are rapid rulings that prosecute and/or imprisoned former officers of the Kirchner Government, excluding those who broke with the ex -President. The former Minister of the economy, the former President of the Central Bank, and the former President are now prosecuted because of the Central Bank decision to sell “future”-dollars (“dolares a futuro”).  These transactions, which are normally carried out by central banks, can be questionable as instrument of public policy in certain occasions. However, they cannot be criminalized. No evidence of personal benefits for the former officials has been found. Instead, members of the new administration did buy future-dollars and benefitted from it; some of them even participated in the decision to liberalize the dollar and benefited from this decision. As we mentioned, there are several members of the former Government charged by Nisman: the former President, former Minister of Foreign Affairs and others. They had already been cleared of wrongdoing by a Judge and two Appeal Courts. The case of Milagros Sala who remains in jail for two years without a conviction deserves to be mentioned. The Inter-American Commission on human rights studied the case and has been demanding her freedom. The decision of the IACHR is binding since Argentina has adhered to it. 

 

With additional power following his recent election victory, the Government pushed through new prosecutions and imprisonments. The former Vice President Budou and the former Planning Minister de Vido were jailed simply based on the risk that they might interfere in the investigations of the alleged crimes for which they are charged. The justification invoked, called the doctrine Irurzun, creates a new precedent that some jurists consider dangerous as it allows to jail defendants for alleged corruption without effective sentence even when there is no danger of their running away. Under the doctrine Irurzun, several members of the current Government who are being prosecuted should have also been jailed. For example, former Education Minister, now Senator Bullrich, indicted for benefitting a government contractor that contributed to the election campaign; the Minister of Energy prosecuted for creating fuel shortages when he was President of Shell. The possibility that members of the Government would be jailed is very low if we admit that there is an asymmetric application of norms and legal doctrines. De Vido and Budou were arrested with unnecessary large police deployment and TV coverage creating a dramatic image. It should be added that several individuals charged for crimes against humanity remained free even while the trials took place. Several prosecutions may have legitimate basis. But the difference in treatment according to the political background of the defendants is very obvious. Moreover, the political use made of those cases involving the opposition is notorious. Needless to say, these developments do not contribute to institutional improvement. It is clear that corruption covers all political spectrums.

 

The Government is taking an increasingly authoritarian attitude. We mentioned the case of Milagro Sala. Also in Jujuy, the police entered into the University without a warrant, in violation of university autonomy. Students were holding a party. Police arrested with unnecessary violence two students, one of them President of the Student Union. They were released hours later. Subsequently, the Government of Jujuy apologized. In Chubut, the border police cracked down on a group of Mapuche Indians who were blocking a road in protest at the arrest of their leader Jones Huala. Santiago Maldonado was protesting in solidarity with the Mapuches. He then disappeared and his body was found after 70 days in the Chubut River. According to the experts involved in the examination of the body, he drowned. More recently, the police unleashed a strong repression of Mapuches in Bariloche, Río Negro. A Mapuche was killed and two wounded. It was determined that death was caused by a shot in the back.  The Government accused the Mapuches of armed resistance without offering evidence. The local Catholic Bishop accused the Government of wanting to create an internal enemy. The same accusation was made by writer/journalist Jorge Asis, among others. The Government insists that “the benefit of the doubt should go to the security forces”. Another very serious incident that deserves attention is the disturbances that occurred at the end of the demonstration to demand for Santiago Maldonado. There is evidence that these disturbances and destructions were the product of law enforcement groups to discredit the demonstration. Several prestigious investigators held this view, including Alconada Mon of the pro government newspaper La Nacion.  The incident was not investigated.

 

The core of the official discourse during the last two years has been the Kirchner Government, not the policies of the new Government. This discourse will be exhausted at one point and a new one seems to emerge. For example, the Government is asking federal courts to investigate the Mapuches. The use and access to lands seems to be the essence of the conflict with the Mapuche and other indigenous peoples. Several extended rural properties are owned by Benetton, Lewis and other landowners in many cases as a result of relatively recent transactions. As it is the case within many social movements, the Mapuches are not monolithic in their aspirations and objectives. According to what is known, only a minority of Mapuches advocates for a ‘separate nation’ and the actions undertaken by them are comparable to other social movements.  There is no evidence that they pursue armed violence. 

 

The Government has the support of most of the media. Some TV programs very critical of government policies were free to operate. However when a program showed information that compromised the Government, the staff conducting such TV programs was dismissed.  That is the case of Roberto Navarro, conductor of Political Economy at C5N TV Channel. Navarro was fired after journalist Horacio Verbitsky submitted information on the President’s family benefitting from the Tax Amnesty in millions of dollars. A previous program of Political Economy had been already prevented from airing before. That program was going to provide information on Nicolas Caputo, a business partner of the President. It must be said, that Political Economy had a very high rating, so the decision to fire Navarro was political, not commercial.   


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“Alertas Rojas: Interpol desmintió reiteradas veces lo que afirma la denuncia de Nisman” en Telam del 14  Febrero 2015 http://www.telam.com.ar/notas/201502/95079-alertas-rojas-causa-amia-gobierno.html.

“Bonadio unifica las causas contra Cristina y podría indagarla por traición a la patria” en La Política Online del 11  Septiembre 2017  http://www.lapoliticaonline.com/nota/108270/.

“Mauricio Macri volvió a cargar contra la ‘mafia de los juicios laborales’” en Infobae 3 Julio 2017 https://www.infobae.com/politica/2017/07/03/mauricio-macri-volvio-a-cargar-contra-la-mafia-de-los-juicios-laborales/.

“Sobreseyeron a Mauricio Macri en el caso de las escuchas ilegales” en Clarin del 29 Diciembre 2015 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1857936-sobreseyeron-a-macri-en-el-caso-de-las-escuchas-ilegales.

“Mirtha le recordó a Macri cuando Nisman pidió su procesamiento” en El Trece, 8 Febrero 2015  https://www.eltrecetv.com.ar/almorzando-con-ml/mirtha-le-recordo-a-macri-cuando-nisman-pidio-su-procesamiento_075305#.

“La Justicia argentina absuelve a Mauricio Macri por los Papeles de Panamá” en El Pais, 22 Septiembre 2017 https://elpais.com/internacional/2017/09/21/argentina/1506019632_438016.html.

“Michetti sobreseida por la causa de las “bolsas de dinero” robadas” en Ahora Rio Negro del 14 Abril 2017  http://www.ahorarionegro.com/noticia/8420-michetti-sobreseida-por-la-causa-de-las-bolsas-de-dinero-robadas.

“La corte no revisará el sobreseimiento de Arribas” en Urgente24 del 30 Agosto 2017  https://www.urgente24.com/268245-la-corte-no-revisara-el-sobreseimiento-de-arribas.

“Confirman sobreseimiento de Gomez Centurión en causa por ‘mafia de los contenedores’” en Diario26 el 19 Septiembre 2017 http://www.diario26.com/242812–confirman-sobreseimiento-de-gomez-centurion-en-causa-por-mafia-de-aduana.

“La Unidad de Información Financiera dejó de denunciar reportes de operaciones sospechosas” en Pagina 12 del 4 Diciembre 2017  https://www.pagina12.com.ar/80246-el-sueno-de-los-lavadores-de-activos

“Cuales fueron los argumentos de Bonadio para procesar a Cristina” en Perfil, 13 Mayo 2016 http://www.perfil.com/politica/dolar-futuro-cuales-fueron-los-argumentos-de-bonadio-para-procesar-a-cristina-0038.phtml.

“Funcionario de Macri que compró dólar futuro estuvo en reuniones para decidir pago” en Ambito del 24  Abril 2016 http://www.ambito.com/836541-funcionario-de-macri-que-compro-dolar-futuro-estuvo-en-reuniones-para-decidir-pago.

“Por que  Refecas rechazo la denuncia de Nisman: ‘Ninguna de las dos hipótesis de delito se sostienen’” en Perfil, 26 Febrero 2017 http://www.perfil.com/politica/por-que-rafecas-rechazo-la-denuncia-de-nisman-ninguna-de-las-dos-hipotesis-de-delito-se-sostienen-0226-0023.phtml.

“IACHR Urges the State of Argentina to respond to the case of Milagro Sala”, OAS, 2 December 2016 http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/media_center/PReleases/2016/182.asp.

“Por que Lijo encarceló a Budou” en Página 12 del 3 Noviembre de 2017   https://www.pagina12.com.ar/73560-por-que-lijo-detuvo-a-boudou.

“La “jurisprudencia Irzurn” el nuevo basamento jurídico que habilitó la detención” en La Nacion del 4 Noviembre  2017 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/2079348-la-jurisprudencia-irurzun-el-nuevo-basamento-legal-que-habilito-la-detencion.

“Cambiemos un gobierno lleno de PROcesados” en Portal de Noticias 12 de Junio de 2017 https://portaldenoticias.com.ar/2017/06/12/cambiemos-gobierno-lleno-pro-cesados/.

Carlos P. Blaquier, dueño del Ingenio Ledesma, fue procesado por supuesta complicidad con la represión en el ingenio de su propiedad. Allí se detuvieron alrededor de  400 personas de las cuales 36 están aún desaparecidas. Ver Wikipedia https://es.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carlos_Pedro_Blaquier.

“Argentina, Jujuy: Policía ingresa a universidad y detiene a dos estudiantes” en NODAL 14 Abril 2017 https://www.nodal.am/2017/04/argentina-jujuy-policia-ingresa-universidad-detiene-dos-estudiantes/.

“Morales repudió la represión policial en una universidad jujeña: ‘Es una verguenza’” en Perfil 15 Abril 2017 http://www.perfil.com/politica/morales-repudio-la-irrupcion-de-la-policia-en-una-universidad-jujena-es-una-verguenza.phtml.

“El Informe Pericial confirma que Maldonado murió ahogado” en El Salto Diario, 24 Noviembre 2017 https://elsaltodiario.com/argentina/el-informe-pericial-confirman-que-maldonado-murio-ahogado.

“Están armando un enemigo” en Página 12 del 29 Noviembre 2017 https://www.pagina12.com.ar/79159-estan-armando-un-enemigo.

“Quien es el ángel exterminador de la política argentina, según Jorge Asis” en La Nacion, 5 Diciembre 2017 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/2088904-quien-es-el-angel-exterminador-de-la-politica-argentina-segun-jorge-asis

“La Doctrina Michetti” en Página 12, 29 de Noviembre2017 https://www.pagina12.com.ar/79155-la-doctrina-michetti.

“El gobierno pide ahora que la justicia investigue a RAM” en La Nacion del 3 Diciembre 2017 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/2087957-el-gobierno-busca-que-la-justicia-federal-investigue-a-ram.

“Benetton y los Mapuches, batalla sin fin en la Patagonia Argentina” Cue, Carlos E., El Pais     https://elpais.com/especiales/2017/represion-mapuches-argentina/.

“Alconada Mon: ‘Los ataques en la marcha del viernes lo iniciación los servicios de Inteligencia”” en Red Nacional y Popular de Noticias 9 Septiembre 2017 http://nacionalypopular.com/2017/09/09/alconada-mon-los-ataques-en-la-marcha-del-viernes-los-iniciaron-servicios-de-inteligencia/.

“Echaron a Navarro de C5N” en Clarín 19 Noviembre 2017 https://www.clarin.com/espectaculos/echaron-roberto-navarro-c5n_0_ryGwBQyjb.html.

“C5N suspendió un informe de Roberto Navarro sobre el socio de Mauricio Macri” en Perfil 20 Marzo 2016 http://www.perfil.com/politica/c5n-suspendio-un-informe-de-roberto-navarro-sobre-el-socio-de-macri-0320-0089.phtml.

“En su mejor momento, Roberto Navarro le ganó en el rating al Canal 13” en Imneuquen 2 de Mayo de 2016 https://www.lmneuquen.com/en-su-mejor-momento-roberto-navarro-le-gano-el-rating-canal-13-n511983.